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House Democrat calls for congressional hearings on Trump administration’s nuclear deal with Saudi Arabia – US politics live | US foreign policy


Hearing echoes of US military support for Shah of Iran, Democratic congressman calls for hearings on Saudi nuclear deal

At House foreign affairs committee hearing on Wednesday, congressman Brad Sherman, a Los Angeles Democrat, called for an oversight hearing of the Trump administration’s nuclear cooperation agreement with Saudi Arabia, suggesting that exporting that technology could be as big a mistake as having armed the Shah of Iran in the 1970s.

“There are those who think that the Saudi possession of nuclear technology is totally benign, but I’ve been involved in this for a long time, and I remember when the most powerful monarch in the Middle East was a good friend of America. And the Shah got his hands on important US military technology. Thank God, nothing nuclear,” Sherman said while questioning Mike Waltz, the US ambassador to the UN, and former national security adviser to Donald Trump.

“Everything the Shah had in 1978 was in the mullahs’ hands in 1979,” Sherman said, referring to the Islamic revolution that toppled the Iranian monarch and brought the theocratic regime to power. “We have no idea who is going to be running Saudi Arabia 10 years from now.”

Video of congressman Brad Sherman questioning UN ambassador Mike Waltz on Wednesday at a House foreign affairs committee hearing.

Sherman went onto point out that, in 2018, he and then-senator Marco Rubio had introduced the “No Nuclear Weapons for Saudi Arabia Act” which would have required approval from Congress before the US could enter into a civilian nuclear cooperation agreement with Saudi Arabia, and a Saudi investigation into the death of journalist Jamal Khashoggi – whose murder the same year in Turkey US intelligence later determined had been approved by the Saudi crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman.

Sherman argued that Congress should approve the deal only if it has what he called later “the same gold-standard safeguards as our deal with the UAE,” referring to a similar agreement with the United Arab Emirates struck in 2009, in which the UAE voluntarily committed to nonproliferation and agreed to not pursue domestic uranium enrichment and reprocessing.

“Is there any reason we should be bombing Iran because they won’t agree to limit their nuclear program while telling Saudi Arabia we give them the green light and they don’t even have to agree to these additional inspections?” Sherman asked Waltz.

After Waltz argued that US resolutions calling on Iran to not develop nuclear weapons provided a pretext for the current US-Israeli war on Iran, Sherman suggested there was “great hypocrisy here.”

“Saudi Arabia is not agreeing to the additional inspections that could make sure that their program is not used … to develop a nuclear weapon,” the congressman said, based on press reports of the terms of the agreement that has not yet been shared with Congress.

“I predict someone will introduce a resolution of disapproval and I invite members of this committee who have worked with us to prevent nuclear weapons in the Middle East, from non-democratic countries, to join in that effort,” Sherman said, in an oblique reference to the open secret that one nation in the region, Israel, does have nuclear weapons.

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UAE agreed not to enrich uranium in nuclear deal with Obama; will Trump’s deal with Saudis be different?

On its face, the nuclear cooperation agreement, commonly known as a 123 agreement (after the relevant section of the US Atomic Energy Act) signed on Wednesday by the Trump administration and Saudi Arabia looks similar to an agreement signed in 2009 by the Obama administration and the United Arab Emirates.

However, until we see the text, it is not clear if the deals are alike in one key way: whether or not the Saudis have agreed, as the UAE did, to safeguards that would block the kingdom from developing nuclear weapons.

In the UAE deal, first negotiated during the Bush administration, and then reworked and signed by the Obama administration on 21 May, the Emirates agreed to accept the International Atomic Energy Agency’s so-called “additional protocol”, which allows the agency to verify the peaceful use of all nuclear material, and affirmed its commitment “to pursue a renunciation of the development of domestic enrichment and reprocessing capabilities in favor of long-term commitments for the secure external supply of nuclear fuel”.

“In signing this Agreement, the UAE has demonstrated its commitment to develop civil nuclear energy responsibly, in full conformity with its nonproliferation commitments and obligations,” the Obama state department wrote in a 2009 fact sheet. “Among those is the UAE’s commitment not to pursue enrichment and reprocessing (ENR) within its territory, representing a marked contrast to Iran which has failed to comply with its international obligations.”

Initial reports on the terms of the Trump administration’s deal with Saudi Arabia suggest that it could allow for uranium enrichment in Saudi Arabia, opening a potential pathway to the production of nuclear weapons in the kingdom.

“The deal breaks from the ‘gold standard’ of nonproliferation, which would prohibit domestic uranium enrichment and plutonium reprocessing,” the Wall Street Journal editorial board argued on Wednesday, under the headline: “Saudi Nuclear Enrichment Is a Mistake”.

The Journal’s editors went on to suggest that Trump’s Saudi nuclear deal will have weaker safeguards than the Bush-Obama UAE nuclear deal:

double quotation markThe next best way to prevent nuclear proliferation is with inspections and monitoring, but the Trump deal weakens those, too. The tried-and-true method is the International Atomic Energy Agency’s Additional Protocol. The United Arab Emirates signed up for it, along with the gold standard of no domestic enrichment, as a condition of its 2009 nuclear deal negotiated largely with George W. Bush. But now the Saudis have been allowed to reject the Additional Protocol and receive U.S. support all the same.

The Trump Administration says it has devised a bilateral safeguards agreement of its own. But we doubt the Saudis rejected the standard protocol in favor of even stricter inspections. They are bound to be weaker, establishing the precedent that each U.S. ally can push for its own preferential monitoring.

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